The
importance of child rights commissions in the context of education can be
gauged from an example from J&K, where the RTE Act doesn’t apply owing to
Article 370 (the desirability of which is another debate altogether), and the
local politicians there have only dilly-dallied over making a law giving effect
to the idea that education in the age group of six to fourteen years is a
fundamental right
(fortunately, in 2014, however, we learnt of a bill
to this effect being drafted in J&K), though Article 10 of the
constitution of J&K
gives J&Kites the same fundamental rights as other Indians. The incident
relates to a
school in the Poonch region denying admission to certain students, in which the
students had to stage protests and finally, the school relented on pressure
from the district authorities. However, had J&K had an institutionalized
right to education in neighbourhood schools for a certain age group, their
state child rights commission (which does exist), if given the requisite
powers, could have taken charge. Those with access to education in Kashmir,
have, in some cases, become technology
entrepreneurs, scientists and public
policy analysts, more
of whom we need, as against more militants and stone-pelters who have played a
major role in crippling the Kashmiri economy and earlier drove out most of the
Hindu minority of the Kashmir valley. As Neelesh Misra and Rahul Pandita point
out in their much acclaimed book The
Absent State, the handling of successive central and state governments in the
Maoist belts, Kashmir and the northeast demonstrates considerable public policy
failure, and while even several educated people do get radicalized and identity-based
and ideological fault-lines do need to be logically eradicated, access to
public goods and services, like roads, education and health care (which even
free market economists like Milton Friedman have held to be a responsibility of
the government, at least to a certain extent), obviously remains an important
part of the equation, though given the militancy in these particular regions,
even this does become more challenging than elsewhere. Institutionalizing the
access to these public goods and services as rights can go a long way in
preventing neglect of some regions compared to others owing to low electoral
representation, as is the case with the people of the northeast in the national
context, and Jammuites and Ladakhis (cutting across religious lines) in the
context of J&K or even the Darjeeling region inhabited by Gorkhas, Lepchas
etc. in the context of West Bengal, for example. Given that the BJP is in power
in coalition in J&K, it would do well to push for an RTE Act there for the
children of Jammu, Kashmir and Ladakh, but one which ought to be free from the original
drawbacks of the central statute.
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